The Reality of Repressed MemoriesThe recovered, George Franklin, Sr. The victim, 8-year-old Susan Kay Nason, was murdered on September 22, Franklin's daughter, Eileen, only 8 years old herself at the time of lexington murder, provided the major evidence against her father.
What was unusual about the case is that Eileen's memory of witnessing the murder had been repressed for more sex 20 years. Eileen's memory did not come back all at once. She claimed that memories first flashback came one afternoon in January when she was playing with her two-year-old son, Aaron, and her five-year-old daughter, Jessica.
At one moment, Jessica looked up and asked her mother a question like "Isn't that right, Abuse Eileen recalled the look of betrayal in Susie's eyes just before the murder. Later, more fragments would return, until Eileen had a rich and detailed memory.
Viewed by Last Name: Return to main database page. The Recovered of Publicly Accused Recovered abuse not state or imply that individuals facing allegations are guilty of a crime or liable for civil claims. The reports contained in the database are merely allegations. Similarly, individuals who may be defendants in civil lexington are sex not to be liable for such claims unless a plaintiff proves otherwise. Admissions lexington guilt or liability are not typically a part of civil or private settlements. For more memories, see our posting policy. Memories ran for help. Bishop Hogan struck an agreement with police - Gaborek was quietly sent to MI for "treatment" then sex to another parish. In Hogan sent Gaborek "on retreat" to Orchard Lake, which was a boys' school. Office of abuse Attorney General .Return to main database gum.datingnpop.gdn abbreviations and posting gum.datingnpop.gdn corrections.: The Database of Publicly Accused Priests does not state or imply that individuals facing allegations are guilty of a crime or liable for civil claims.
- Lexington mo sex abuse recovered memories Find Sexual Abuse Therapists,
- suggests that participation in recovered memory
The range is disturbingly great, suggesting that serious scholarly exploration is warranted to learn how to interpret claims about the commonness of repression and what abuse characteristics the repression might be related to. How do people in general and jurors in particular react to repressed memory cases? Are memories that were once previously repressed as credible as memories that were never repressed? Understanding laypeople's reactions and credibility judgments is important not only for theoretical reasons but for practical ones as well.
Theoretically speaking, laypeople's implicit or intuitive theories about repressed memories guide society's thinking on this topic.
On a more practical level, understanding implicit theories of repression is important. Plaintiffs' lawyers who are deciding whether to file repressed memory cases are eager to know their likelihood of a successful outcome.
Defense lawyers also care, because such subjective probabilities affect their decisions about whether to proceed to trial or to settle a case early. Perhaps most importantly, the plaintiffs should care.
Featured in CrimesiderPlaintiffs bring lawsuits for myriad reasons. If the lawsuit is good for a plaintiff's mental health, what happens to mental health if a jury does not find the notion of repressed memories tenable and the plaintiff, consequently, does not prevail?
I start by examining actual cases that have gone to trial in recent years, with a wide range of outcomes. Some trials ended in defense verdicts e. AP -- A judge presiding over the case of one of six men accused of molesting young relatives at a western Missouri farm in the mids refused Monday to strike the lead prosecutor's name from a list of potential witnesses, setting up the possibility that she could be called to testify in one of her own cases. Lafayette County Prosecutor Kellie Wingate Campbell told circuit Judge Dennis Rolf that she and two of her assistants would face a conflict of interest if they were forced to testify during Jared Mohler's trial about an October meeting they attended in which investigators discussed the case, including possible charges. Mohler, 50, and five family members were arrested about two weeks after the meeting and charged with sexually abusing four young relatives over a period of years during the s. All six pleaded not guilty and denied wrongdoing, and one of them died at home last month at age Mohler's attorney, Tim Larimore, told the judge he has the right to call everyone who attended the meeting, including Campbell and her assistants.
Lexington mo sex abuse recovered memories structure of psychoanalysis rests. Recently there has been a rise in reported memories of childhood sexual abuse that were allegedly repressed for many years. Elizabeth Loftus update on repressed memory controversy. memory of murder but rather memory of other sorts of childhood trauma, such as sexual abuse, that allegedly On the third day, he recalled a conversation with his mother: "I remember mom telling me never to do that again. .. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. The judge's refusal to exempt Campbell from testifying raises the possibility that she'd hand the case over to a special prosecutor, which would add to the mounting costs of trying the five defendants and delay their prosecution. Lofft, , in San Diego; Collier v.
Collier, , in Santa Clara County. Others ended in plaintiff verdicts. Because the laws are new and most cases have settled, there are too few actual trials from which to gather data about reactions to repressed memory claims.
Until more cases are tried to verdict, it may be necessary to rely on simulated jury research to gather information on this issue. In these studies, mock jurors learned about a legal case that arose out of allegations of sexual assault. Subjects considered the case of a daughter Roberta and her father Jim , a case modeled loosely after an actual case tried in the state of Washington in Roberta, they learned, accused her father of raping her on several occasions when she was approximately 10 years old.
She claimed she repressed all memory for these incidents. At about age 20, Roberta's memory returned while she was in therapy. She filed charges against her father a year after her memory came back. Roberta and her therapist blamed her current problems of depression, anxiety, and sexual dysfunction on the sexual abuse that happened when she was Jim denied the allegations, claiming that Roberta was influenced by her therapist's suggestive questioning and that she was looking for someone or something to blame for her troubles.
How did people react to Roberta's claim? Did their reactions differ from reactions to a case that was identical except for the repression of memory? A different set of subjects reacted to a modified scenario involving a different woman Nancy whose memory was not repressed. Nancy's factual situation was identical to Roberta's except, subjects were told, Nancy never told anyone until age 20, when she went into therapy and told her therapist. Who is believed more, Roberta or Nancy?
Several consistent findings emerged from these studies. First, people tended to be slightly more skeptical about Roberta's case the repressed memory than they were about Nancy's case the nonrepressed memory. Both male and female subjects reacted this way, with males overall being more skeptical. When subjects disbelieved the claims, they were more likely to think that the false claims were due to an honest mistake than a deliberate lie.Lexington mo sex abuse recovered memories One small difference emerged—repressed and nonrepressed memory cases appear to bring slightly different thoughts to mind.
When subjects considered Nancy's case, thoughts of lying were slightly more likely to be evoked than when they considered Roberta's case.
One of the clearest results was that, in general, the majority of subjects believed that the claims of both Roberta and Nancy were true and accurate.
The quality of the memories that filter back vary tremendously. They are sometimes detailed and vivid and sometimes very vague. Sometimes they pertain to events that allegedly happened in early childhood and sometimes in adolescence.
Sometimes they pertain to events that allegedly happened 5 years ago and sometimes 40 years ago. Sometimes they include fondling, sometimes rape, and sometimes ritualism of an unimaginable sort. Highly detailed memories have been reported even for events that allegedly happened more than 25 years earlier and during the first year of life.
One father—daughter case recently tried in Santa Clara County, California, illustrates this pattern Collier v. The daughter, DC, a college graduate who worked as a technical writer, claimed that her father sexually abused her from the time she was six months old until she was She repressed the memories until the age of approximately 26, when she was in individual and group therapy.
Other cases involve richly detailed allegations of a more bizarre, ritualistic type, as in a case reported by Rogers a. The plaintiff, Bonnie, in her late 40s at the time of trial, accused her parents of physically, sexually, and emotionally abusing her from birth to approximately age A sister, Patti, in her mids at the time of trial, said she was abused from infancy to age The allegations involved torture by drugs, electric shock, rape, sodomy, forced oral sex, and ritualistic killing of babies born to or aborted by the daughters.
The events were first recalled when the plaintiffs went into therapy in the late s. In short, reports of memories after years of repression are as varied as they can be.
One important way that they differ is in terms of the age at which the events being remembered allegedly happened. In many instances, repressed memory claims refer to events that occurred when the child was one year old or less. This observation invites an examination of the literature on childhood amnesia.
It is well known that humans experience a poverty of recollections of their first several years in life. Contemporary cognitive psychologists place the offset of childhood amnesia at a somewhat earlier age: Still, the literature on childhood amnesia ought to figure in some way into our thinking about recollections of child molestation that supposedly occurred in infancy. Many therapists believe in the authenticity of the recovered memories that they hear from their clients.
Two emprical studies reveal this high degree of faith. Bottoms, Shaver, and Goodman conducted a large-scale survey of clinicians who had come across, in their practice, ritualistic and religion-related abuse cases. Clients with SRA memories have reported vividly detailed memories of cannibalistic revels and such experiences as being used by cults during adolescence as serial baby breeders to provide untraceable infants for ritual sacrifices Ganaway, ; Rogers, b.
If therapists believe these types of claims, it seems likely that they would be even more likely to believe the less aggravated claims involving ordinary childhood sexual abuse. The conclusion was, in the investigators' own words, "The clinical psychologists in our sample believe their clients' claims" p. A different approach to the issue of therapist belief was taken by Loftus and Herzog This study involved in-depth interviews with 16 clinicians who had seen at least one repressed memory case.
One therapist said, "if a woman said it happened, it happened. More than two thirds of the clinicians reacted emotionally to any use of the term authentic, feeling that determining what is authentic and what is not authentic is not the job of a therapist. The conclusion from this small study was that therapists believe their clients and often use symptomatology as evidence. These and other data suggest that therapists believe in their clients' memories. They point to symptomatology as their evidence.
They are impressed with the emotional pain that accompanies the expression of the memories. Dawes has argued that this "epidemic" of belief is based in large part on authority and social consensus p. There are those with extreme positions who would like to deny the authenticity of all repressed memories and those who would accept them all as true. As Van Benschoten has pointed out, these extreme positions will exacerbate our problems: If we assume, then, that some of the memories might be authentic and some might not be, we can then raise this question: If a memory is recovered that is not authentic, where would it come from?
Ganaway proposed several hypotheses to explain SRA memories, and these same ideas are relevant to memories of a repressed past. If not authentic, the memories could be due to fantasy, illusion, or hallucination-mediated screen memories, internally derived as a defense mechanism. Further paraphrasing Ganaway, the SRA memories combine a mixture of borrowed ideas, characters, myths, and accounts from exogenous sources with idiosyncratic internal beliefs.
Once activated, the manufactured memories are indistinguishable from factual memories. Inauthentic memories could also be externally derived as a result of unintentional implantation of suggestion by a therapist or other perceived authority figure with whom the client desires a special relationship, interest, or approval. There is no doubt that childhood sexual abuse is tragically common Daro, A sizeable number of people who enter therapy were abused as children and have always remembered their abuse.
Even when they have severe emotional problems, they can provide rich recollections of abuse, often with many unique, peripheral details Rogers, a. Occasionally the abuse is corroborated, sometimes with very cogent corroboration, such as pornographic photographs. If confirmed abuse is prevalent, many instances of repressed memory abuse cases also could be authentic.
Unfortunately, in the repressed memory cases, particularly when memories do not return for 20 or 30 years, there is little in the way of documented corroboration.
This, of course, does not mean that they are false. Claims of corroborated repressed memories occasionally appear in the published literature. For example, Mack reported on a case involving a year-old borderline man who, during therapy, recovered memories of witnessing his mother attempting to kill herself by hanging.
The man's father later confirmed that the mother had attempted suicide several times and that the son had witnessed one attempt when he was 3 years old. The father's confirmation apparently led to a relief of symptoms in the son. It is hard to know what to make of examples such as these. Did the son really remember back to age 3, or did he hear discussions of his mother's suicide attempts later in life?
The memories could be real, that is, genuine instances of repressed memories that accurately returned much later. If true, this would only prove that some memory reports are authentic but obviously not that all reports are authentic.
Analogously, examples of repressed memories that were later retracted, later proved to be false, or later proved to be the result of suggestion would only prove that some memory reports are not authentic but obviously not that all such reports are illusory. Some who question the authenticity of the memories of abuse do so in part because of the intensity and sincerity of the accused persons who deny the abuse. Many of the thousands of people who have been accused flatly deny the allegations, and the cry of "witch hunt" is often heard Baker, , p.
Witch hunt is, of course, a term that has been loosely used by virtually anyone faced by a pack of accusers Watson, Analogies have been drawn between the current allegations and the witch craze of the 16th and 17th centuries, when an estimated half million people were convicted of witch-craft and burned to death in Europe alone Harris, ; Trott, b.
Although the denials during the witch craze are now seen as authentic in the light of hindsight, the current denials of those accused of sexual abuse are not proof that the allegations are false. Research with known rapists, pedophiles, and incest offenders has illustrated that they often exhibit a cognitive distortion —a tendency to justify, minimize, or rationalize their behavior Gudjonsson, Because accused persons are motivated to verbally and even mentally deny an abusive past, simple denials cannot constitute cogent evidence that the victim's memories are not authentic.
To say that memory might be false does not mean that the person is deliberately lying. Although lying is always possible, even psychotherapists who question the authenticity of reports have been impressed with the honesty and intensity of the terror, rage, guilt, depression, and overall behavioral dysfunction accompanying the awareness of abuse Ganaway, , p. There are at least two ways that false memories could come about. Honestly believed, but false, memories could come about, according to Ganaway , because of internal or external sources.
The internal drive to manufacture an abuse memory may come about as a way to provide a screen for perhaps more prosaic but, ironically, less tolerable, painful experiences of childhood. Creating a fantasy of abuse with its relatively clear-cut distinction between good and evil may provide the needed logical explanation for confusing experiences and feelings. The core material for the false memories can be borrowed from the accounts of others who are either known personally or encountered in literature, movies, and television.
There are at least two important sources that could potentially feed into the construction of false memories. These include popular writings and therapists' suggestions. The Courage to Heal advertises itself as a guide for women survivors of child sexual abuse.
Although the book is undoubtedly a great comfort to the sexual abuse survivors who have been living with their private and painful memories, one cannot help but wonder about its effects on those who have no such memories. Readers who are wondering whether they might be victims of child sexual abuse are provided with a list of possible activities ranging from the relatively bening e. Readers are then told "If you are unable to remember any specific instances like the ones mentioned above but still have a feeling that something abusive happened to you, it probably did" p.
On the next page, the reader is told You may think you don't have memories, but often as you begin to talk about what you do remember, there emerges a constellation of feelings, reactions and recollections that add up to substantial information. To say, "I was abused," you don't need the kind of recall that would stand up in a court of law.
Often the knowledge that you were abused starts with a tiny feeling, an intuition Assume your feelings are valid. So far, no one we've talked to thought she might have been abused, and then later discovered that she hadn't been. The progression always goes the other way, from suspicion to confirmation. If you think you were abused and your life shows the symptoms, then you were.
The authors list low self-esteem, suicidal or self-destructive thoughts, depression, and sexual dysfunction, among others. Others have worried about the role played by The Courage to Heal. In all fairness, however, it should be mentioned that the book is long pages , and sentences taken out of context may distort their intended meaning.
Nonetheless, readers without any abuse memories of their own cannot escape the message that there is a strong likelihood that abuse occurred even in the absence of such memories. The recent incest book industry has published not only stories of abuse but also suggestions to readers that they were likely abused even if there are no memories, that repressed memories of abuse undoubtedly underlie one's troubles, or that benefits derive from uncovering repressed memories and believing them.
Sue Blume , the book jacket of which itemizes one of the author's chief credentials as the "Creator of the Incest Survivors' Aftereffects Checklist. She goes on to say that "Indeed, so few incest survivors in my experience have identified themselves as abused in the beginning of therapy that I have concluded that perhaps half of all incest survivors do not remember that the abuse occurred" p.
Some of the volumes provide exercises to help readers lift the repression. Farmer , for example, tells readers to try one particular exercise "whether or not you have any conscious recollection of the abuse you suffered" p. The reader is to sit down, relax, and mentally return to childhood. The next step is to choose a particular memory, whether fuzzy or clear, and "bring that memory to your full attention" p.
Details about what to do with the memory are provided, along with an example from the life of "Danielle," who thought about how verbally abusive her father had been, and "Hazel," who remembered anger at her mother's treating her like a rag doll. This exercise allegedly helped to "lift the lid of repression" and unbury the "Hurting Child. Do these examples lift the lid of repression? But another equally viable hypothesis is that the examples influence the creation of memories or, at the very least, direct the search through memory that the reader will ultimately take.
Blume's observation that so many individuals enter therapy without memories of abuse but acquire memories during therapy naturally makes one wonder about what might be happening in therapy. According to Ganaway , honestly believed but false memories could come about in another way, through unintentional suggestion from therapists. Ganaway noted a growing trend toward the facile acceptance and expressed validation of uncorroborated trauma memories, perhaps in part due to sensitization from years of accusations that the memories are purely fantasy.
Whereas an earlier generation of therapists might have been discounting or minimizing their patients' traumatic experiences, the recent rediscovery of psychological trauma has let to errors of the opposite kind. Some contemporary therapists have been known to tell patients, merely on the basis of a suggestive history or symptom profile, that they definitely had a traumatic experience. Even if there is no memory, but merely some vague symptoms, certain therapists will inform a patient after a single session that he or she was very likely the victim of a satanic cult.
Once the "diagnosis" is made, the therapist urges the patient to pursue the recalcitrant memories. Although some therapists recommend against persistent, intrusive probing to uncover early traumatic memories e. Evidence for this claim comes in a variety of forms: And I wonder if anything like that ever happened to you?
Other clinicians claim to know of therapists who say "Your symptoms sound like you've been abused when you were a child. What can you tell me about that? Tell me what that bastard did to you" Davis, , p. At least one clinician advocated "It is crucial The rationale for this prescription is that a clinician who asks conveys to the client that the client will be believed and that the clinician will join with the client in working through the memories and emotions linked with childhood sexual abuse.
Asking about sexual abuse along with a list of other past life events makes sense given the high instance of actual abuse, but the concern is how the issue is raised and what therapists do when clients initially deny an abusive past.
Evidence exists that some therapists do not take no for an answer. She went on to provide the example of a client who suspected sexual abuse but had no memories. The client had become extremely anxious at a social gathering in the presence of a three-year-old girl. She had no idea why she was upset except that she wanted the little girl to keep her dress down. When encouraged in therapy to tell a story about what was going to happen to the little girl, the client ultimately related with tears and trembling one of the first memories of her own abuse.
She used the story to "bypass her cognitive inhibitions and express the content of the memory" p. Later she "integrated the awareness that she was indeed the little girl in the story" p. One cannot help but wonder about these mental fantasy exercises in light of known research showing that the simple act of imagination makes an event subjectively more likely e.
Even if the therapist does not encourage the client to guess or tell a story, stories sometimes get told in the form of client dreams.
If discussions of incest go on during the day, and day residue gets into the dreams at night, it would not be surprising to see that dreams of incest might result. Poston and Lison described a woman with "repressed memories" of incest who reported a dream about watching a little girl ice skate on a frozen river. In her dream, the woman tried desperately to warn the child that monsters and snakes were making their way through the ice to devour her.
Although frightened, the woman was powerless and could not warn the innocent child. A few days later, the client began remembering incest from her childhood. Knowing she had "a trusted relationship with a therapist and a survivor's group that would understand and accept her" p. Examples of therapists interpreting dreams as signs of memory of abuse can be found throughout the literature. One clinician described with pride how she communicated to her male patient the basis for her suspicions that he had been abused: Frederickson , who has worked with many incest survivors, has also described in detail her methods of getting patients to remember.
She recommended that the therapist guide the patient "to expand on or explore images that have broken through to the conscious mind, allowing related images of the abuse to surface. The process lets the survivor complete the picture of what happened, using a current image or flash as a jumping-off point" p. She also suggested that the therapist help the patient expand on the images and sensations evoked by dreams "to shed light on or recover our repressed memories" p.
She extolled the virtues of hypnosis to "retrieve buried memories" p. Include your own felt sense of how you think you were abused" p. Even if clinicians are not the first to bring up sexual abuse, they will often reinforce what begins as a mere suspicion. One client developed the idea that she might have been sexually abused, tried hypnosis to help her recover memories, and obsessed for years. Only after her therapist stated that she believed sexual assault was "indeed possible" and cited nightmares, phobia of men, and other symptoms as evidence did the client come up with some specific memories Schuker, , p.
Before leaving the examples of therapist accounts of what goes on in therapy, it is important to add a word of caution. Sherrill Mulhern, a psychiatric anthropologist, has documented the alarming discrepancies that often exist between therapists' accounts of what they have done in therapy and what is revealed in video- or audiotapes of those same sessions Mulhern, If memories are uncovered—whether after repeated probing, after telling stories, after dreams, or seemingly spontaneously—or even if the memories remain buried, therapists often send their clients to support groups.
One group, Survivors of Incest Anonymous SIA , publishes extensive reading materials intended to aid the recovery of incest survivors. The criteria for admission make it clear that entry is fine for those with no memories of sexual abuse: These and other questions e. Do you feel easily intimidated by authority figures?
Although support groups are undoubtedly invaluable for genuine survivors of sexual abuse, as they are for other survivors of extreme situations, such as combat and political persecution Herman, , p.
Do these groups foster the development of constructed memories? An investigative journalist attending a four-day workshop watched the construction of memory at work Nathan, With members recounting graphic details of SRA abuse, how long will they listen to the person who can only say "I think I was abused, but I don't have any memories. Another source for suggestions in therapy can be found in client accounts of what happened to them.
Recently, clients have been reporting that a therapist has suggested that childhood abuse was the cause of their current distress.
However, these clients have no memories of such abuse. One woman from Oregon entered therapy to deal with depression and anxiety, and within a few months her therapist suggested that the cause could be childhood sexual abuse.
She wrote asking for help in remembering: Since that time, he has become more and more certain of his diagnosis I have no direct memories of this abuse The question I can't get past is how something so terrible could have happened to me without me remembering anything. For the past two years I have done little else but try to remember. I've tried self-hypnosis and light trance work with my therapist.
And I even travelled to childhood homes Attorney Greg Zimmerman went to a psychotherapist in Boulder, Colorado, to deal with his father's suicide. He told ABC, "I would try to talk to her about the things that were very painful in my life and she kept saying that there was something else" p. Zimmerman grew more and more depressed as the mystery of that "something else" would not unravel, and then, during a therapy session, his therapist stunned him with her diagnosis: Zimmerman had said nothing whatsoever to her to provoke this diagnosis, apparently her standard.
It is easy to find published accounts that describe the emergence of memories in therapy and the techniques that therapists have used to uncover those memories e.
One account, written under the pseudonym of Jill Morgan, told of a series of positively horrifying memories of abuse by her father. He raped her when she was 4 years old, again at age 9, once again at age 13, for seven straight days and nights at age 15, and for the final time at age For the next several years, all misery was withheld from conscious memory, and then, at age 29, she was helped to remember in therapy: The involvement of hypnosis and age regression prompts the natural inquiry into whether these techniques produce authentic memories.
Unfortunately, the evidence is discouraging: There is an extensive literature seriously questioning the reliability of hypnotically enhanced memory in general Smith, , and hypnotic age regression in particular Nash, Hypnotic attempts to improve memory increase the confidence in what is recalled more than the accuracy Bowers, Even more worrisome is the impossibility of reversing the process; the hypnotically induced memory becomes the person's reality Orne, With hypnotic regression, men and women have been known to recall being abducted by aliens aboard exotic spacecraft and other forgotten events Gordon, A more detailed client account is that of Betsy Petersen , as described in an autobiographical account, Dancing With Daddy.
Petersen, a Harvard graduate and accomplished writer, revealed in her first book that she repressed memory of sexual abuse by her father until she was 45 years old. Betsy entered therapy with "Kris" for problems relating to her children, and almost a year after starting therapy she started worrying, "I'm afraid my father did something to me.
When she told her therapist about this, she said "I don't know if I made it up or if it's real. Kris told her, in Betsy's words, "It was consistent with what I remembered about my father and my relationship with him, and with the dreams I had been having, and with the difficulties I had being close to my children, and also, she said, with the feelings I had during and after sex with my husband" p.
Betsy worked hard to retrieve incest memories: I put all my skill—as a reporter, novelist, scholar—to work making that reconstruction as accurate and vivid as possible. I used the memories I had to get to the memories I didn't have" p.
The therapist convinces the patient with no memories that abuse is likely, and the patient obligingly uses reconstructive strategies to generate memories that would support that conviction. Defense attorneys contend it's a repressed memories case, since the victims have said they didn't remember until three years ago many details of the vile acts they claim occurred in the mids and continued for several years. As such, defense attorneys have said they plan to bring in expert witnesses who specialize in repressed memories, adding greatly to the trial expense.
Also Monday, Larimore argued that several of the counts Jared Mohler faces were brought after the statutes of limitations had expired. Motions he filed seeking to have the case against his client dismissed will be dealt with in December during pretrial conferences. At least four young relatives of the Mohlers claim the men took turns raping them over several years.
They said that some of the assaults took place after Burrell Sr. The accusers said the abuse started when they were very young and that they had repressed the memories for more than 20 years. The eldest Mohler and his son, Burrell Mohler Jr. Darrel Mohler was free on bond when he died last month at his home at the age of They are also publicly accused of kidnapping, various murders, producing child pornography, breeding then slaughtering babies, performing forced abortions on minors, and holding an unwilling sex-slave for years in the family basement, although there have been no charges filed for those allegations.
According to the probable cause statements: After those initial accusations in August, authorities made contact with, and began to question the other five siblings. On October 7th, three of the siblings T. They were able to lead authorities to the approximate spot they say they helped to bury one of the murder victims. On October 29th, T.
The siblings also told authorities that as they were being abused, the men told them to write down what was happening to them. These notes were placed in mason jars then buried. The siblings say their abusers told them that if they buried these notes, their memories would also become buried. A fourth sibling E. On November 10, , as authorities swarmed the Bate City farmhouse with backhoes and shovels, detectives from Lafayette and various other counties were dispatched to arrest Burrell Sr.
As the arrests were made public, lead investigator, Sheriff Kerrick Alumbaugh, held a press conference. The stated purpose for the conference was to urge other possible victims to come forward.
Specifically, investigators wished to locate the girl said to have been held captive in the basement crawlspace. There were, however, other remarks of interest made during that press conference.
One comment in particular gives further reason to suspect that all of the accusers are engaged in the recovering of repressed memories: But when memories of this come out with the victims, as you talk about it, as you investigate it, more comes out. Alumbaugh also defended the large amounts of county resources used to investigate the case, insisting the expenditures are important for protecting children: Possibly most important, were the personal motivations Sheriff Alumbaugh expressed: You have children at home.
You think about your children, you think about children that you know. Our biggest concern right now are those victims and those children that are out there that are potential victims. So, each one of us takes this very personally. In , the nude, battered body of 41 year old Marsha Spicer was found in a shallow grave in Lafayette County. Dunfield reported that Richard Davis had recently asked her to assist him in videotaping the torture and murder of other women during three-way sex.
Sheriff Alumbaugh and his deputies were called to interview Richard Davis and his girlfriend, Dena Riley, in regard to the Spicer homicide. Richard Davis was already being sought by his parole officer after serving 16 years for raping and sodomizing a woman at knife point. His parole officer had been unable to contact him for a drug screening. Rather than detain Davis, Sheriff Alumbaugh told Richard Davis and Dena Riley to leave the premises while he applied for a search warrant.
Alumbaugh and his deputies returned hours later. Regrettably, since Alumbaugh had not detained Davis and Riley, they had fled the city. It was eight days before a nationwide manhunt managed to locate the couple for arrest. During this time, Richard Davis kidnapped and raped a 5 year old girl. But we had no probable cause to arrest them. What you need for an arrest warrant is a lot more than you need for a search warrant. None-the-less, Alumbaugh arrested the six Mohler men with only accusations from the alleged victims.
These men had no parole violations, no drugs on their nightstands, and no past convictions for violent rapes. In fact they had no criminal histories at all. There were no bodies recently discovered in shallow graves, neither were the men holed up in shabby apartments with meth-addicted girlfriends.
The Mohler men were arrested while at home with their wives or working for their longtime employers, to be charged with crimes allegedly occurring decades ago. Newly appointed prosecutor, Kellie Ritchie filed the charges.
It was while working as assistant DA in Buchanan County that Ritchie began concentrating on sexual assault cases. Four years out of law school, Ritchie was ready for greater responsibility at the same time that her boss wished to have one prosecutor handle all sexual abuse cases. Since her February, appointment to the Lafayette County office, Ritchie has continued her dedication to assisting victims of rape, raising awareness through a county Denim Day,  and promising the vigorous prosecution of any in possession of child pornography.
The Behavioral Science Unit of the FBI has assisted in investigations of hundreds of cases in which adults begin to report that they were victims of extreme abuses as children. Allegations involve multiple victims and multiple offenders and often include insertion of foreign objects, witnessing mutilations, as well as sexual acts and murders being filmed or photographed. In several of these cases, women claim to have had babies that were turned over for human sacrifice.
Such accusations are most common in rural or suburban communities with high concentrations of religiously conservative people. Many of those not in law enforcement do not understand that, while it is possible to get rid of a body, it is even more difficult to get rid of the physical evidence that a murder took place. Researchers found more than 12, accusations of group cult sexual abuse, but none were able to be substantiated. The principle investigator in that study, Dr.
If Lafayette County officials were familiar with any of these reports, they should not have been surprised to find only one broken jar no note , a bone fragment unknown type , some broken eyeglasses, half a credit card, and a shoe sole in their excavation of the Bates City farm. Days later, the floor was covered in concrete. Detectives returned to the farmhouse, broke open the concrete floor, but found only dirt.
Recovered Memories of a Serial Killer
Reminiscent of A Modern Missouri Witch-hunt : THE PROCESS IS… Feb 16, - Six Missouri siblings who say they were subjected to sadistic sexual abuse by their relatives are ready for court. 17, in Lexington, Mo. as 5 years old, and they had repressed the memories for more than 20 years. Feb 28, - On-the-spot reporters read the charges against them,“Forcible rape of a use of the word “memories” in the report is indicative of repressed memory .. The Lexington News; Ritchie, K.W. (, January 25) First Year Report. Lexington mo sex abuse recovered memories